UK economy: From credit crunch to class crunch
From credit crunch to class crunch – the end of the recession and the war on workers
UK bosses predict that the recession which began in the summer of 2008 and which has included the deepest drop in output since the early 1980s is over....writes Bill Jefferies... Their optimism is reinforced by the upward revision to output estimates for the second quarter of 2009. GDP fell 0.7% (2.8% annualised), less than the 0.8 % calculated last month, manufacturing, auto services and government spending helped mitigate the biggest slump in business investment in 24 years. Manufacturing output fell 0.2% from the first quarter, less than the 0.3% first reported, and total industrial product declined 0.6% rather than 0.7%. Services firms from banks to airlines produced 0.6% less. Exports fell 2.7% in the quarter, imports declined 3.2%.
As demand slumped earlier this year, factories scaled back production to clear stocks of unsold goods. Inventories fell £4.58 billion after a record £5.43 billion drop in the previous three months. All this, they say, sets the scene for a recovery later this year.
Everything down but profits
The one thing that has not fallen is profit rates. They remain at record levels. In the last three UK recessions from the mid-1970s corporate profit margins have fallen as revenues are hit by falling demand, it used to take time for firms to cut back on costs, unions obstructed pay cuts, short time working and sackings. This time however, strikes figures have continued to decline, notwithstanding unofficial actions around Lindsey and Visteon. Unemployment climbed to a 14-year high in the second quarter and will continue to rise well into 2010.
As a result the profits share of Private Non-Financial Corporations (PNFC) has remained steady at an already historically high level around 18%. Sharp cutbacks in spending on investment relative to income have kept the corporate sector running a significant cash flow surplus (i.e., a net lender of funds to other sectors) equivalent to 4.4% of GDP in 1Q09. The government sector (taxes less subsidies on production) has borne the brunt of the loss in national income, with a nearly £8bn decline. This reflects the VAT cut and loss of revenue from the drop in nominal GDP. Wages have fallen over £4bn—which reflects the rapid slowing in wage growth. But although employee compensation growth is weak, it is mixed income, meaning the self employed, which has fallen hardest declining by more than £5bn
Recession over
Put it all together and the bosses have had a good crisis, according to the Bank of England’s latest forecasts the UK recession is already over. The August inflation report said:
“Detailed forecasts published by the Bank showed that gross domestic product (GDP) will rise by 0.2 per cent between July and September, marking the first economic expansion since the first three months of last year. The Bank expects the economy to continue to expand in the fourth quarter, by 0.4 per cent, and sustain the recovery throughout next year.”
These forecasts are in synch with numerous other estimates; UK retail sales rose for a second month in July while mortgage approvals by the six biggest UK banks climbed to the highest level this year. On 19 August the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) reported, “In the latest Industrial Trends Survey, 32 per cent of UK manufacturers said they expected the volume of output to fall over the next three months, while 27 per cent thought it would increase.”
New Labour go bust
But while the recession may have been relatively short-lived in the UK at least, it is now clear that its aftermath will be anything but. Britain had an £8bn ($13.2bn) budget deficit in July, the largest for the month since records began in 1993. Tax revenues plunged and the cost of unemployment benefits surged.
Last year July was in surplus by £5.2bn. Next year the UK will have the biggest deficit in the Group of 20, the Treasury forecasts a shortfall of £175bn. The IMF estimates the UK deficit will touch 11.6 % of GDP this year second only to the US gap of 13.5 %, next year. The deficit may total 13.3 % almost double the 7.7% peak in the 1993-94 under Tory PM John Major.
Government receipts dropped 15 % in July from a year earlier the steepest decline since records began in 1998. Cash receipts from corporate profits fell 38% and value-added tax declined 34%. Income tax payments dropped 15%, reflecting slower wage growth and job cuts at banks including Citigroup Inc. and Royal Bank of Scotland Group Plc.
Spending rose 7.5%, with net spending on social benefits jumping
10 % after unemployment climbed to its highest since 1995. To cover
the gap, the government said it expects to sell an unprecedented
£220bn of government debt, prompting Standard & Poor’s to warn
that Britain may lose its AAA credit rating. Including the
liabilities of banks now controlled by the government, such as
Bradford & Bingley Plc and Northern Rock Plc, Britain had
£800.8bn of debt in July, or 56.8 % of GDP.
That’s the biggest debt burden since at least 1974-75.
Cuts, cuts and more cuts
Goldman Sachs, the US investment bank, is confident that whoever is in power the government will take the necessary “fiscal” steps to cut public spending. So paradoxically the recovery from 2010 onwards will see the first major assault on public spending in over a decade.
But the figures bandied about are largely an excuse. The nationalised banks have billions of debts it is true, but these debts earn revenue, as the economy recovers so will that revenue. In addition the Bank of England through quantitative easing has accumulated £175bn of assets through printing money, over the next few years it plans to sell those assets off at a rate of around £5bn a month.
Low interest rates, which arose from the turn of the millennium onwards as emerging markets like China, Brazil, India, Russia and the oil producers of the Middle East, re-cycled their surplus profits, will continue. As a consequence, the actual cost of maintaining the public debt will not rise by anything like the increase in its nominal amount.
But so what? The bosses have decided that they do not want to pay for the public services that New Labour’s claimed they existed to maintain and expand. The Tories have already made clear that they intend to savage “non-essential” spending, outside of education and the NHS. And even here they will accelerate New Labour’s privatisation programme. Labour, if by a miracle they get back in, will severely constrain public spending, presenting only a “friendlier” –version of the Tories’ all out assault.
Public sector workers and working class users of those services will bear the brunt of these attacks. Jobs will go, pay will be cut and the already obstacle strewn path to accessing basic services will get blocked even further to countless workers, including the most poor and vulnerable in society. The same politicians who demand action in cases like the tragic Baby P case will callously strip away the resources needed to stop the repetition of such tragedies.
The iron logic of making the workers pay the cost of bailing out the banking system and footing the bill for the recession makes far more sense to New Labour and Tory economic strategists alike, than does making the rich pay for decent services as a step towards building a society free from cruelty, abuse and exploitation.
The impending onslaught and how to resist it
The impending onslaught on the public sector should be on the agenda of every union – plans for how to resist, how to defend the public sector, how to draw whole communities into the struggles that will be needed need to be drawn up now.
The trade union leaders, by and large, don’t see it this way. Instead of leading struggles against the impact of the recession they have dodged the bullets. All too often workers have fought, and sometimes won, without the official backing of their unions, and certainly without the active support of the trade union bureaucracy. Official action has been rare. Unofficial action has been inspiring.
The union leaders instead have been uttering their familiar mantra; wait for Labour, like a perpetual chant suitable for all occasions. After the election members need to wait to give the government a chance, in the middle years, they need to wait to allow things to work, towards the end years they need to keep calm, to not rock the boat fearing a Tory victory. And so on in perpetuity.
The problem is we have had Labour for over a decade. They are jostling with the Tories over who will be the toughest on public spending. Was it worth the wait?
Rank and file workers need to start an altogether different chant. They need to start fighting in the unions and in the communities to build organisations and campaigns that can unite thousands in active resistance. They need to link union strikes with community demos, town hall blockades, mass direct action, local general strikes and demonstrations that frighten the Bejesus out of the bosses and the politicians.
To get this we need to overcome the disorganisation that exists across the labour movement. And strikes and occupations like those at Visteon, Lindsey and Vestas, campaigns like those of the parents at Lewisham Bridge School, Barrow-in-Furness and Glasgow to stop school closures, and the organisation of ever broader networks of activists within and across the unions point to the best way of achieving this.
Fri 28, August 2009 @ 17:51
discussion of this article
vngelis said…
Wed 09, September 2009 @ 23:45
bill j said…
Thu 10, September 2009 @ 16:55
vngelis said…
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bill j said…
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vngelis said…
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bill j said…
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Arthur Bough said…
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bill j said…
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Arthur Bough said…
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vngelis said…
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vngelis said…
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bill j said…
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James said…
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bill j said…
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vngelis said…
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bill j said…
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bill j said…
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vngelis said…
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bill j said…
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Arthur Bough said…
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vngelis said…
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vngelis said…
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vngelis said…
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